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The value of thinking about ‘just war’ in a world where war is just war

Talking about the ethics of war over Ukraine seems abstract and naïve in light of Donbas and its abandoned villages. It seems pointless to think about just war in a world of suffering where war is just war.  Yet, it is because the suffering of war is real that we should think and talk about the ethics of war. Only when we talk can we take a stance, constrain violence, and hold military leaders accountable.

The language of just war helps us hold politicians and military leaders accountable. Yes, it is often abused by politicians, but remember that those who protested the Vietnam War unknowingly used the language of just war and their protests ended the war. Likewise, the principles that leaders say motivate them also commits them to behave accordingly or else face a crisis of legitimacy as the American leadership found out when people realised that Saddam had no weapons of mass destruction. In using the language of just war we consolidate standards against which leaders are judged if they fall short.

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It is debatable if these standards are still meaningful. Modern warfare has deprived justice of its archaic meaning. Just killing is an excellent example of a standard that is meaningless in modern warfare. In just killing we hold our leaders to account based on the cause given for the killing rather than the killing itself. As a result, “Armageddon is justified if our hearts are pure.” 1It makes no sense to talk about a just nuclear war let alone victory when the outcome is mutually assured destruction. Nor does it seem right or meaningful to talk about justice even in a conventional war.

War is horrible regardless of how justified it is. When we talk about justice and war in the same breath, we ignore the tragedy of war. “Just war is just war”, and by ignoring this fact of war we often feel pious when we justify or condemn a war. ‘The war in Iraq was wrong’, people say righteously. Would they say the same thing if they knew what Saddam did in the years prior to the Iraq War? Saddam was evil. He waged a war on Iran that killed one million men; he invaded Kuwait; and he used chemical weapons to murder thousands of Kurds. The more conscious we are of a conflict’s historical context the less readily we pass moral judgments. Even just wars are just wars.

The adage that ‘just war’ is just war is ironically why we should think and talk about war. Critics are right to say that ‘justice discounts war’s tragic nature’, but they forget that the suffering of war is what makes judgment so important. History and context are crucial, but they should not distract from the need to make a judgment. Debating the ethics of war is about discovering where one stands on an issue. As such, the language of just war is a moral map to a non-ideal world and not an algorithm or a checklist that only serves power.

It is true that these critical reflections are often ivory-tower debates. Only Doctor Strangelove and your average academic would seriously consider whether mustard gas is more humane than anthrax. Though just war enables us to justify extreme measures, our scepticism to these ivory-tower debates is itself a critical reflection of how extreme measures are wrong.

In the same way, thinking about just war is a constraint rather than a forerunner to violence. Reflecting on the ethics of war places tense and complex demands on individuals2. Moral judgments are a burden that constrains us. When we discuss the ethics of using mustard gas, we place ourselves in a soldier’s shoes and imagine what it is like to be gassed. For a moment, we become Wilfred Owen’s soldier who says, “dim through the misty panes and thick green light, as under a green sea, I saw him drowning”. The thought constrains us. Similarly, we never discuss Hiroshima with pride because the moral burden constraints and forces us to recognise that Hiroshima was a wise choice rather than the right choice3. Thinking about the justice of war makes us sensitive to dirty hands and constrains us.

Thinking about just war is more than a moral map to an imperfect world. It is a set of principles that constrains us and helps us take a balanced stance. It is also a common language that we can use to hold politicians and military leaders accountable. Considering all of this, it would be naïve not to talk about the ethics of war.

Sources

Cian, O’Driscoll, “Why Don’t You Tell Us About Them Rabbits, George? The Tragedy of Just War.” International Studies Review 15 (2013): 229-42.

Donald, Wells. “How Much Can “The Just War” Justify?”. The Journal of Philosophy 66, no. 33 (1969): 819-29.

Michael, Walzer. Just and Unjust Wars. 4 ed. New York: Basic Books, 2006.


Footnotes

Germany and the sovereign debt crisis: How Angela Merkel’s initial reluctance towards Greece turned into her support

After 16 years as German Chancellor, Angela Merkel will not stand again in the German federal elections. This means that not only Germany but also the EU is losing one of its most experienced politicians. From the sovereign debt crisis to the migration crisis and the current impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, Merkel has most of the time managed to maintain her reputation as a crisis manager. Some 10 years after her "first" crisis, the sovereign debt crisis in the EU, it is time to look at her decisions and especially the handling of Greece: Why did the German government initially resist financial support for Greece but eventually (and reluctantly) agreed to it?

Climate Change and its Impact on Poorer Communities in Karachi — The Flaws in Urban Infrastructure and What Needs to Change

There is no doubt that climate change today has become one of the many threats to our environment. When probed into the deadly effects of climate change, researchers found several factors that impede the mitigation of greenhouse gas. One factor that is adding to climate change is urban infrastructure. It is measured through empirical data that the materials used in the construction of commercial buildings and houses, such as concrete, cement, steel, asphalt, glass, brick, stone, etc. are single-handedly harming the urban ecosystem.

Bosnia’s Flawed Response to EU Enlargement and “Mini-Schengen”

In 2019, the President of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic announced that he, along with Prime Minister of Albania Edi Rama and the Prime Minister of North Macedonia Zoran Zaev, signed a declaration of intent to establish the free movement of people, goods and capital between these three countries in the Western Balkans - a Mini-Schengen, they called it. The response of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the initiative was flawed, to say the least.

Does Turkey still have a place in NATO?

Turkey has had a long-standing relationship with Europe and the West. Its integration into the transatlantic alliance in 1952 was perceived as being of strategic importance to Washington, as it covered the south-eastern flank of the alliance’s borders. Under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey is pursuing an aggressive foreign policy aimed at challenging the liberal international order, which has considerably alienated Turkey’s Western allies.

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